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Published in the Open magazine in June 2015


Labourers hard at work on an afternoon in coastal Andhra Pradesh


On the evening of 23 May, as she downed the shutters of her tiffin shop in Kothapatnam village in Andhra Pradesh, Padmavati Sanagapalli decided to board a bus to town early the next day. It was 14 days since her brother had passed away and his family was holding a religious ceremony at their house in Ongole, around 20 km away from her village in Prakasam district. The temperature of the coastal town had soared in the past few days and delaying her departure would mean facing the blaze both ways. 

When she returned, she found her 56-year-old husband Sanagapalli Srinivas Rao fast asleep inside the shop. Without a second glance, she started manning the counter. The siesta didn’t hurt business; the crowd had been thin in the afternoons with most people staying indoors. “An hour later, I checked on him again but he still lay there, unmoving. I panicked and called for the doctor,” she says a week later, sitting in a local community hall along with her daughter and a few relatives. It is an austere setting: the duo sit on two mats on a granite floor as their relatives mill about a few feet away from the deceased’s framed photograph propped on a plastic chair.

Word of heat wave casualties has become increasingly shrill among locals. In the absence of a plausible explanation of why a ‘perfectly healthy man’ would suddenly die, the family decides to believe that the calamity has struck their household as well. Informed of it, the local tehsildar has sent his daily count of heat-wave deaths to the district collector: two in a population of 50,000.

The heat wave, which started off as a ‘news brief’ shoved to the margins of newspapers, now has top billing in the Indian and international media. Headlines flash that the southern states of Andhra Pradesh and Telengana are bitten by a heat wave. The all-India death toll has reportedly crossed 2,000, making it the fifth most lethal heat wave in the world.

On 26 May, as the number of reported deaths continued to mount, the Andhra Pradesh government declared ex-gratia compensation under the Chief Minister Relief Fund (CMRF) amounting to Rs 1 lakh for each victim. To weed out false claims, each of these deaths was to be investigated by a three-member committee consisting of a medical officer, tehsildar and police officer. “In order to accelerate the process and keeping in mind the sentiments of the people, the government ruled out post-mortems,” says Sujatha Sharma, the collector of Prakasam.

When Dr D Rosaiah, in charge of the local primary health unit, visited the late Sanagapalli Srinivas’ family, they told him exactly what they had said to me. “But we made a few additional inquiries with the neighbours and found out that the deceased was suffering from tuberculosis,” says the doctor, “The nurses at my centre confirmed that he used to visit the [primary health unit] to procure medicines. But over the last few months, he had stopped taking them.” It wasn’t the heat wave that killed Sanagapalli, Dr Rosaiah had concluded, but multi- drug resistant tuberculosis.

Among the 13 cases that the doctor later examined from the village, he found that only four deaths were caused by the heat wave. The rest died of heart diseases, HIV, and, in a few cases, natural causes. “Since there is no post-mortem conducted on the victims and the findings are based only on inquiries, one can never be hundred per cent certain about the cause of death,” he says, “But what I have generally observed is that people are aware of the compensation they are entitled to. Often, they end up reporting a natural death as one caused by the heat wave.”

I ask a senior IAS officer about this alleged tendency of people to capitalise on the compensation being offered. While I get a confirmation on the trend in general, the officer refuses to make such a comment on-record, fearing he would be labelled as an ‘insensitive’ administrator. Till last week, by the time the mercury had slowly started to recede in the state; Kothapatnam had reported 14 cases of heat-wave related fatalities. After investigations, the number of families eligible for compensation stood at just five.


Padmavati Sanagapalli was reported to have lost her husband to the extreme temperatures. An official probe revealed that it was actually a drug resistant tuberculosis.



A heat wave, as defined by India’s National Disaster Management Authority, is a condition declared when the maximum temperature at a weather station crosses 40° Celsius for plains and 30° for hill stations. Worst affected by a heat wave are usually the poor. Symptoms of heat-induced illness range from fatigue and nausea to headaches and dizziness. But it only becomes fatal when those in a ‘red zone’ (as marked on an isotherm map) are hit by a sunstroke, mainly caused by prolonged exposure to the sun and inadequate intake of fluids.

For someone tracking the numbers, however, the emerging data is difficult to grapple with. The number of dead varies depending on which news source one refers to. For example, on 28 May, the Telugu daily Eenadu reported that nearly 2,600 people had lost their lives in the past one week in the two states. On the same day, the news channel NDTV pegged the figure at 1,700, whereas The Times of India claimed that 900 had died in the region. By broad consensus, the cities of Prakasam, Guntur and Visakhapatnam are said to be the worst hit. These three coastal cities have reported an aggregate toll of 751 deaths, and the entire state, a total of 1,709.

One of the main agencies supplying figures to the media is the disaster management unit of the respective states. However, given the conflicting numbers, journalists and authorities say that it is probably a result of ‘an initiative taken by the regional media’. A correspondent of Eenadu in Telangana admits as much. “Unlike the mainstream media, regional dailies have a presence at the grassroots and report deaths as they emerge. We get our data from the mandal level (an administrative block which several villages under it). Many of those in the mainstream media also take this data from us and report it,” he says. There is, however, one flaw in this grassroots reportage: instead of delving into the cause of deaths, all fatalities are clumped as ‘heat wave related’.

In the last week of May, in order to generate awareness of the deaths, the authorities started holding special programmes. Srinivas Rao, the revenue divisional officer (RDO) of Prakasam, recounts an incident when he was holding a gram sabha in Inkollu mandal. “Around 6 am, an hour before the programme was to begin, a villager who was drawing water from a tub collapsed and died on the spot,” says Rao, “When I reached the venue, [the villager’s] relatives approached me and asked me to register it as a sunstroke death.” The doctors eventually ruled cardiac arrest as the cause of death. “But that is what generally happens... people are reporting the heat wave as a cause of death just to receive ex gratia [compensation].”

A man taking a bath in the open on a May afternoon in Ongole


On the day of my visit to Rao at his office, the district’s official death toll is 202. Rao explains that each death in the region is reported by the tehsildar to an RDO who, in turn, forwards it to the district collector. The information is then passed on to the state disaster management cell, which forms the primary source of information for the media. “But the figures we submit to the cell are of deaths suspected to have been caused by sunstrokes,” he says. “They are not confirmed ‘heat wave deaths’ as they are reported. The number includes the sum of all deaths that have occurred during this period likely to be caused by sunstroke. For example, it will not include a road or traffic accident, but if the deceased was within four walls when it happened, it then qualifies as a ‘suspected death’.”

In the absence of an autopsy, the committee members conduct inquiries about the medical history and work routine of the deceased, and examine the circumstantial evidence. The medical officer conducts a preliminary check of the body—if it has not already been cremated or buried—and the police file a panchnama for the case to rule out other possibilities. Based on the findings, a certificate is issued to the kin of the deceased stating whether or not the death was caused by sunstroke. These victims can then apply for compensation under the CMRF.

“So far, in our district, nearly 200 deaths are reported in all the 56 mandals,” says Rao. “After getting an inquiry from the team of officers in their respective jurisdictions, we found that only 30 cases come under the category [of sunstroke]. Most were suffering from diseases like cancer and AIDS in addition to those who died of natural causes. Some of them were [in their nineties] who had been bedridden for the last few months.”

By 31 May, the reported death toll for the district had swelled to 337, but the number confirmed was only 56. Officials explain that the number is indicative only of those considered eligible for compensation. The person has to be between 18 and 69 years of age, which qualifies only 185 people. This is a practice that is still followed even though there is no such eligibility criteria set by the government. In the neighbouring Guntur district where 233 cases were reported, only 35 deaths have been confirmed out of 130 cases taken up for investigation. The results of more inquiries are expected soon. 

“The information that initially reaches us passes through three to four levels, so there is always a possibility of the numbers not holding up. Compared to the initial numbers, we are expecting 20 to 25 per cent reduction in the actual number of casualties,” says Dhananjay Reddy, director of the Andhra Pradesh Disaster Management Department. He adds that the department had received reports that only 500 deaths in the state could be confirmed as caused by the heat wave.

For the dissonance between the reported numbers and the actual figures, Rao points at the logistical constraints that prevent them from submitting accurate data at the very onset, instead of ‘suspected sunstroke deaths’. “One tehsildar covers 10 to 15 villages, sometimes up to 20 villages. Say, four or five deaths are reported in one day. How can one be expected to conduct an inquiry the same day?” In spite of that, he adds, the rules mandate that the fatality has to be reported to the government within 24 hours. The information is thus supplied in two stages and the ‘suspected sunstroke deaths’ end up masquerading as ‘heat wave fatalities’.


Elore Thimmaiah, a patient admitted at RIMS hospital in May, along with his son


In spite of the confusion, all quarters agree on one integral aspect: temperatures have reached alarming heights. According to data available at the India Meteorological Department, over the past 10 years, the maximum temperature in Ongole, the administrative area of Prakasam, has hovered around 45° Celsius for the month of May. While parts of the state touched 47° Celsius, this year was no different for Prakasam. But compare it to the mean-maximum temperature between the years 1971 to 2000 for the month of May in the same district, and one realises the marked rise: from 39.1° to 47° Celsius.

The number of casualties has also increased over the last few years. According to data accessed from the National Crime Records Bureau, in an undivided Andhra Pradesh, the graph has showed a steady rise from 2011 to 2013 with 91, 221 and 418 deaths in the state in those three years respectively. After the formation of Telangana as a separate state, the death toll for Andhra Pradesh fell to 371 in 2014 before it shot up dramatically again this year. “For Andhra Pradesh and the rest of the country, heat waves are not an unusual occurrence. So there is no direct one-to- one relation with global warming that we can establish,” says YK Reddy, director in-charge, Indian Meteorological Department in Hyderabad. “In coastal Andhra Pradesh, where the death toll is supposed to be the highest, the temperatures didn’t break any records. But this year, the heat wave lasted for 10 days as opposed to its usual four to five days.”

It need not be that only those with direct exposure to the sun are the ones falling ill. Among the 30 patients that were treated at the Rajiv Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS) in Ongole, several patients were admitted simply because they couldn’t bear the heat in their own houses. Elore Thimmaiah, a soda- seller, who had been admitted for four days, says that even though he avoided going out before 4 pm, the heat in his tin-roofed dwelling was too oppressive.

In order to deal with the critical temperatures, the government has pressed its machinery to generate awareness about the dangers of the heat wave and made arrangements for water-distribution centres. In Prakasam, packets of oral rehydration salts are being distributed at local train and bus stations. The district administration has also collaborated with a local milk dairy to print about 120,000 pamphlets with Do’s and Don’ts to be followed in the summer months.

TVS Anil Kumar, who has been running a free buttermilk kiosk at TB Road in Ongole for the last two months, tells me what he has gathered from his interactions with visiting labourers. “In the absence of development, people have no choice but to take up jobs as manual labour even in these hot months,” he says. “Sometimes I feel that instead of distributing free TVs during the election season, politicians should distribute free ACs.”

So far, the counter-measures have worked for only those who can afford to be salvaged. Those who are dependent on their daily-work to earn a livelihood, continue to do so, and, as a result, fall prey to the extreme weather. Before the government announced a clampdown on the timings of work assignments under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA), around 20 to 25 per cent of those killed by the heat were workers employed under the scheme.

Around 10 am on 22 May, when Subbaratnam, a resident of Kunkupadu village, was out shopping for vegetables, she received a call informing her that her husband Chandra Subbaiah had collapsed while at work. “Under the NREGA, my husband was part of a group that was contracted to dig an artificial pond ahead of the rains. Since our house is under construction and our daughter is unmarried, he went to work every single day,” she says. While Subbaratnam is certified as eligible for compensation, what her husband actually lost his life to was a pitiful fixed salary of Rs 120-150 per shift.

It’s the same story for many others. “Usually, we discharge patients after four to five days of treatment. But many patients leave within one to two days. They couldn’t afford to not work any longer,” says a nurse at the RIMS hospital.

Multiple water and buttermilk distribution centres were set up by the government and citizens across Andhra Pradesh and Telengana to help people deal with the heat


Coupled with poverty, the other major impediment in dealing with a heat wave crisis is the sheer scale of the calamity. In case of any natural disaster like floods, earthquakes or cold-waves, the Centre doles out monetary relief to those affected. It was only in the last week of May, following an uproar over its exclusion, that heat waves were included in the Government’s list of ‘natural disasters’. But the authorities add that apart from spreading awareness and compensation, there is little else to be done in the face of nature’s fury. 

“You are seeing an ecological imbalance. Yes, the green cover is drastically reducing and the ozone layer is also being affected, but this does not mean that you can stop people from earning a livelihood,” says Reddy. “You can’t just create a situation akin to the Emergency.”




 Published in Open magazine in May 2015


Residents of Bangladeshi enclaves in Cooch Behar, West Bengal


Edit: On 6 June, 2015, a land swap finally amalgamated border enclaves of India and Bangladesh into each other’s territories—14,000 Bangladeshis overnight had a choice to become Indians and 37,000 Indians, Bangladeshis. A report on what it means to live in a country surrounded by another country and how those affected see their change of citizenship

 

After a five minute ride from his house, Majid ul-Hussain stops his motorcycle on the side of an embankment and gets off. I join him as he makes his way towards a thicket where a cluster of ghurnim trees, shooting up through bushes that grow wantonly around them, loom ahead of us.

It is mid-afternoon and we are at Poaturkuthi, a small village in Cooch Behar district of West Bengal. Clad in a vest and pair of pants, 35-year-old Hussain, a mason by profession, had offered to take me around the fringes of his village. 

“That’s the one,” he says, pointing at a stone column planted at the turn. Over the years, the top half of the column has steadily chipped off and turned into an algae nest. Nevertheless, the letters are still visible on one side: ‘B.P.’ or Boundary Pillar, locally referred to as ‘Bharat-Pakistan’. I step over the pillar to check if there is anything etched on the other side.

“Now you’re in Bangladesh,” Hussain says. I look around, hoping to find Border Security Force (BSF) personnel whose vehicles I saw plying the roads on my way to Poaturkuthi, perhaps a fence or a checkpoint; some unsubtle indicator that I have crossed over to another country. In response, rich paddies sway in the calm breeze, stretching out as far as I can see.

I step back to where we came from. “Now you’re back in India,” I am told.

We turn and make our way out of the thicket. Gradually, the pillar disappears from sight. A couple of locals have noticed us and understood what we are up to. Over the next few hours, as we walk through labyrinthine pathways of the village spread over 590 acres, finding only a handful of similar posts, they stumble over one another to tell me exactly when I have made incursions into another sovereign state.

In the week I have spent travelling the countryside of Cooch Behar, I realise that this could happen when one hops over a rivulet, crosses over from one farmland to another, or strolls into the backyard of the house of one’s host. Perplexed, I once ask locals if there is any way to know for sure. “Not for you,” replied one. “It took us years to remember this.”


Locals at Batrigachh, a Bangladeshi enclave, point at an Indian enclave with Bangladeshi territory all around it


Once upon a time, some parts of Bengal were ruled by two kings: the Rajah of Cooch Behar and the Nawab of Rangpur. A legend goes that the two were chess aficionados and often used villages under their control as stakes for their match. As a result of their spirited contests, around 162 chitt mohol, Bengali for enclaves, were created on both sides such that they belonged to one king but were landlocked by the other. Historians, however, say that this peculiar situation is the result of peace treaties in 1711 and 1713 between the kingdom of Cooch Behar and the Mughal Empire.

In 1947, three centuries after the legend concludes, the Radcliffe Line was drawn and Pakistan was carved out of India. As the fledgling governments fought over the ownership of the princely state of Kashmir, the conflict in the fertile plains of Bengal lay unheeded. Even as the princely state of Cooch Behar was inducted into West Bengal and that of Rangpur into East Pakistan, only half-hearted attempts were made to ensure the amalgamation of enclaves into the country they are surrounded by.

Records show that in the last 67 years, two agreements to this intent were signed by former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and later, his daughter Indira Gandhi with their respective counterparts of what is now Bangladesh. In addition to the enclaves, the Nehru-Noon Agreement and Indira-Mujib Treaty also wanted to resolve the issues of the disputed territories of Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura. However, these pacts were put in cold storage and the residents of the enclaves continued their existence as citizens of an inert state.

In December 2013, the Congress-led Government decided to take up the issue for the third time. The Constitution (119th Amendment) Bill sought to ‘give effect to an agreement entered into by India and Bangladesh on the acquiring and transfer of territories between the two countries on May 16, 1974.’ On 6 and 7 May this year, ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Bangladesh in June, the Bill was passed in both Houses of the Parliament. It paved the way for the induction of 111 Indian enclaves in Bangladesh spread over 17,000 acres and 51 Bangladesh enclaves inside India spread over 7,000 acres.

Modi’s move was a U-turn from his party’s position on the issue. As a majority party in the opposition till 2014, the BJP had vehemently opposed the land-swap since it meant losing 10,000 acres of ‘Indian’ territory. But now, if all goes well and the Bill is ratified by the President of India, one day in the month of June, around 14,215 residents of Bangladeshi enclaves in Cooch Behar will wake up to find themselves recognised as Indian citizens. Their counterparts in four districts of Bangladesh, nearly 37,369 of them, will turn into Bangladeshi nationals overnight.

As fantastic as it sounds on paper, for most of the locals, it will be a little deviation from their routine. As a resident tells me, “We were never Bangladeshi in the first place. It was only the Indian Government that refused to acknowledge us.”


A boundary pillar in Cooch Behar indicates where the Indian territory ends and an enclave begins


Debarshi Dutta, additional superintendent of police of Cooch Behar, confirms what many local residents contend: the 51 enclaves, which account for around 0.5 per cent of the district’s population, are blind spots for the civic, law and order, education and healthcare agencies. The situation is no less bleak in the Indian enclaves across the border. “I can’t even give you the details of the crime in these areas,” he says, “The incidents in Indian enclaves inside Bangladesh are not reported and those in Bangladeshi enclaves inside India are not recorded.”

Without basic facilities, an enclave dweller has little choice but to venture out of his ‘country’ every day, be it to the schools, hospitals, local markets, even if all he seeks is a cup of tea. While the agrarian population is largely uniform in their socio-economic status, people who live in the enclaves are susceptible to exploitation by their Indian neighbours. For example, in the absence of electricity connections in most parts, enclave residents use lamps for light, but the kerosene, bought by ration card holding Indians for Rs 15 per litre from fair price shops, is sold to them at Rs 40. 

With no identification cards in their name, enclave dwellers are forced to lie about their residential address every time they venture out and are frequently questioned by governmental authorities. Often, at these times, the administrative machinery kicks in with a brute, unreasonable force. A decade-and-a-half ago, Hussain, like several youth of his village, decided to go to New Delhi for work. “Around 6 pm,” in his words, “I was waiting at the New Cooch Behar railway station when the Government Railway Police noticed me and asked where I was from.”     

We are sitting on a bamboo platform at the centre of Poaturkuthi, a Bangladeshi enclave. Like several enclaves across the district, the tarmac ends at the doorstop of Indian neighbours. To travel to these parts, one paddles over mud paths that coil around idyllic settings involving jute, paddy and tobacco crops, the pungent smell of which hangs thick in the air.

“Then they asked me to show an ID proof,” he continues. It was a classic Catch-22: to get an identity card, he would have had to go to Bangladesh and apply for one. But in the absence of any documentation in the first place, there was no scope for obtaining a travel visa. Also, if one stayed in an enclave inside India, what use will an identity document of another country be? “I tried to explain my situation but they called me a migrant from across the border and took me into custody.”

For those arrested under the suspicion of being residents of another country, the onus rests on the accused to prove his innocence. When they fail to do so, Dutta says they are “automatically convicted” under The Foreigners Act 1946, which prescribes a maximum punishment of up to five years. Last year, 136 such people were incarcerated by the Cooch Behar police, most of them ‘Bangladeshis’.

As is the convention, Hussain, after spending five weeks in the Cooch Behar district jail, was taken to the land border crossing point at Changrabandha and handed over to the cops of a country he had never set foot in. They dumped him in Lalmonirhat jail in Bangladesh. He was released after a week and crossed the notoriously porous Indo-Bangla border to get back here.

That harrowing experience, Hussain says, has not shaken his allegiance to India. He claims he hasn’t ventured out of his enclave after he came back, save for occasional excursions to gather essential supplies. But he has seen enough to make an informed decision about his preference. “In the jail here, we used to get food twice a day,” he says, “I could never have dinner in Bangladesh.”


In absence of electricity, the locals take to kerosene lamps to get through the night


One of the more significant aspects of the Bill is the provision that gives residents a choice of citizenship of either country. In 2013, the Bharat Bangladesh Enclave Exchange Coordination Committee (BBEECC), an organisation comprising representatives from enclaves of both countries, conducted a survey to assess if one was to expect an exodus when the Act came into effect. Speaking over the phone, Deeptiman Sengupta, president of the BBEECC, says that of the total number of ‘Indians’ in Bangladesh, only 149 families—making up less than 2 per cent of the total enclave population there—have expressed a desire to migrate. “While 148 of these families are Hindu, it is interesting to note that religious identity is not the only decisive factor,” says Sengupta, “All of these families have land holdings of a size less than one bigha [about a quarter of an acre]. Considering the economic prospects in India, they want to come here so that they get an identity card of Indian citizenship and then go to Delhi, Mumbai and other places for employment.” It is this perception of India being better off that he says explains why the survey found no single family willing to leave India.

While Human Development Indices might make the choice of nationality obvious, the enclave dwellers don’t have much to thank India for. The divide is particularly palpable when one visits counter-enclaves, curious territorial anomalies involving an Indian enclave inside a Bangladeshi one. There are 24 of them in the two countries, one of them only as big as a football field.

Every evening, Manir ul-Miyan looks wistfully as incandescent bulbs light up houses in Madan Kura, the village across the street. The 26-year-old is a resident of Batrigachh, a Bangladeshi enclave spread over 209 acres that envelopes Madan Kura. In stark contrast to its surroundings, one can see satellite dishes propped on the rooftops of houses in this counter enclave; borewells, a primary school and a panchayat ruled by the Trinamool Congress.

When I visit Madan Kura, Miyan points at the electricity poles in front of his house. “Electricity came in this part about two years ago,” he says bitterly. “We saw it as they were being erected, passing through our village to reach theirs, not being able to do anything about it.”

Halim Byapari, a farmer who stays in the Indian enclave opposite Miyan’s house, tells me about the vibrant governmental presence in their village, from the implementation of housing schemes to the distribution of foodgrain and during the election season comes along. The conversation turns to cricket, and Byapari speaks of Batrigachh locals dropping by to watch a match on his TV.

“And who do you cheer for?” I ask.

“India,” they answer in unison.

There are, however, exceptions to this trend. Around two years ago, residents of Balapukhari enclave in the Mekhliganj block managed to successfully persuade the authorities that they, too, should be given electricity connections if the Indian Government planned to erect power poles on their land.

Aware of the bureaucratic blackholes faced by enclave dwellers, their Indian neighbours often try to help them out. An electronics shop owner in the Indian village adjacent to Batrigachh points at the ten plug points that he has installed at his outlet only to help those in enclaves charge their mobile phones, sometimes at Rs 5 per handset. Many of the students I speak to tell me that they had enrolled themselves in schools by using the names of their relatives and acquaintances from Indian villages in the vicinity. Some, like Noor Mohammad, a resident of Karola enclave, share an electricity connection with their Indian neighbours across the street.

But such bonhomie does not always hold. In case of a conflict, enclave residents find themselves at a disadvantage. Rafiq Patwadi, a tobacco farmer in Batrigachh, says he has spent a fortune proving the ownership of land his family has owned for generations, all because only two of the 10 acres he owns are on the Indian side of a line on the map. “There were some members of a local political party who were aware of this,” says the 40-year-old. “They encroached on my land saying that I should surrender my rights over these eight acres of ‘enemy territory’ since I wanted to avail facilities as an Indian.” It took 17 years in Cooch Behar’s district court to secure a verdict in his favour.

While Patwadi’s might be a one-off case, for most others it takes a marriage in an enclave dweller’s family for all their deprivations to be laid bare, especially when a union is to be solemnised with someone from an Indian village. In this patriarchal society, dowry calculators develop snags in favour of the privileged Indians, whether or not theirs is the groom’s side.

Sitting in the courtyard of his tin-walled house in Poaturkuthi, Rafiq ul-Haq offers to explain how he was shortchanged by the bride’s family, residents of the Indian village of Durgapur. Ten years ago, owing to the absence of a TV set, refrigerator or fan, things that his to-be-bride had been used to all her life, the two families agreed on a dowry of Rs 25,000. “Considering the size of my land—around five bigha—I could have received around Rs 3 lakh had I not lived here,” he says. His wife Latifabibi Haq concurs with the assessment. “Tabhi bhi mere papa ne khushi se diya (In spite of that, my father was pleased to pay up),” she tells me.

 
Noor Mohammad, a resident of Karola, a Bangladeshi enclave in India with his vehicle registered in the name of an Indian neighbour

Some of the locals have found a way to make money off the lack of governmental intervention. With little watch being kept on activity within enclaves, farmers of some areas like Poaturkuthi have taken to growing marijuana. On the condition of anonymity, a relative of one such farmer says that it has spelt windfall gains for them. “At the going-rate of Rs 3,000 per kg, the returns are ten times the investment,” he says, adding that the police are aware of this trend that began a few years ago but have been paid off to look the other way.

The enclaves also serve as a resting point for smugglers, especially those ferrying cattle across the border. Saddam Miah, a mobile shop owner and resident of the same enclave, recalls an evening last year when he saw nearly 500 cows being led inside the village. “I was returning home on my bicycle but had to get off the road only to avoid getting crushed,” he says.


At nearly 4,000 km, the border that India shares with Bangladesh is the fourth longest in the world. In 1992, the two countries decided to erect barriers in these areas to curb smuggling that went unabated over the decades, often resulting in skirmishes with security forces. In Cooch Behar, of a total 549.45 km, only a length of 300 km is fenced. With large tracts of the border being riverine and accessible, smugglers have it easy ferrying their wares.

“Since the land belongs to Bangladesh, we are not allowed to enter inside. And while the locals in these areas are largely peaceful, the chitt mohols have become a hideout for smugglers,” says a commanding officer at a BSF post in Mekhliganj block. Apart from cattle, smugglers haul rice, electronic items, clothes and footwear across the border. “The BSF is the last barrier for the smugglers, so the move to induct the enclaves inside India will be hugely beneficial for us.”

 
The photographs of bullet wounds in the back of Hamidul Sarkar's brother, resident of Karola enclave

At Karola village, I meet Hamidul Sarkar, a farmer. As we sit talking, he reminisces about an evening 14 years ago when commotion was heard from the neighbouring fields. “My younger brother Hakim Ali decided to go to check what had happened. My mother warned him against it but he calmed her down, saying that he will be back soon,” says Sarkar. A few minutes later, there were gunshot sounds, and as he wondered what was happening, he saw a man sprint towards him from the same direction his brother had taken. “He told me that the police were trying to shoot a few smugglers, but they ended up hitting my brother instead,” he says. With no way of approaching Indian authorities, he called a photographer from a village closeby to record the event. In the light of the kerosene lamp in his home, he lays out two yellowing photographs, fraying around the edges, of a bare-backed 17-year-old lying on his side, a bullet mark in his spine.

Sarkar’s residence was located less than a kilometre away from the fenced border. After his brother’s killing, he says he tried sending a message to the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) informing them of the incident through a farmer he could see working on the other side of the barbed wire. There was no response.

After all these years, Sarkar says he has made peace with the tragedy. He is clear about where he wants to live after the exchange of territory is ratified by both countries. “The Indian Government didn’t do much for us, but neither did the other,” he says. “But we share more with this place than we ever did with Bangladesh. This is home.”